The Sun King, or The vast Kreisky When Bruno Kreisky on 29 Died July 1990, was the author of this article does not even four years old. However, he has influenced his life like virtually all other Austrian, and more than any other politician of the Second Republic before and after him. In a recently aired documentary on ORF Kreisky said André Heller, the boys could not imagine it, as Austria was against Kreisky. Let's try it anyway. moved
As Kreisky in the general election campaign in 1970, he had the Social Democratic Party stalwart Bruno Pittermann replaced, who had retired reluctantly from the party leadership. Kreisky was not easy: he was an exponent of the Revolutionary Socialists, therefore, that grouping, together with the old exponent of social democracy „Sozialistische Partei Österreichs“ gegründet hatten. Der Kompromiss war dabei typisch österreichisch. Die Partei nannte sich sozialistisch, war aber vom Programm her sozialdemokratisch. (Dass sich die SPÖ erst 1991 in „Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreis“ umbenannte, nicht einmal ein Jahr nach Kreiskys Tod, mag seine Gründe gehabt haben.) Als ehemaliger „revolutionärer Sozialist“ war Kreisky also ein Vertreter der „Jungen“ in der Partei, jener Gruppierung von Linken, die sich unter dem Austrofaschismus illegal konstituiert hatte und dann entweder ins Exil gegangen war oder im Untergrund Widerstand gegen das NS-Regime geleistet hatte. Die alteingesessenen Genossen der „Sozialdemokratischen Workers' Party of the First Republic had to wait for the Nazi regime rather than fight. Kreisky even in 1938 was in Gestapo custody - he had his law degree can still end a day after the connection - and was finally able to flee to Sweden. Kreisky fled not only because he was a socialist, but also because he came from upper-class Jewish home.
It is said that when they introduced the young comrades of the old party chairman Karl Seitz, asked this:
? Are you the son of the rich or the gscheit Kreisky "
He was the son of a rich Kreisky. His father was an industrialist, his uncle, the ideological leader of the cooperative movement.
that Kreisky was Jewish, he saw himself not as a Jew in the true sense and always defended himself against capture should make him create in the Second Republic was. The Austrian Trade Union Federation President Anton Benya was about as anti-Semitic. I myself had the pleasure to learn one of his former secretaries know personally. had failed as the internal party decision to Kreisky and away from Pitter's, she said, Benya returned back to his office. When asked what Bruno had made it because he had easily crushed Kreisky called. When asked what was to criticize, then, Benya have replied: "Well, a Jew issa halt." Anti-Semitism at that time was still an ideology that many had grown to the core.
played with this scheme, the Austrian People's Party, as they did affichieren in said election campaign of 1970, a poster, which features her - became Chancellor Josef Klaus touted as "true Austrians" - an absolute majority ruling. One of my teachers once said, you have to Klaus' Portrait probably recruited a signatory of the "forward". All of the criticism seems to miss at least not be.
Kriesky won the election anyway, and that was another reason not easy: The electoral law was aimed at that time but after the ratio principle, but preferred the ÖVP, which had already twice received despite less votes, more seats than the Social Democrats. Their absolute majority of seats in recent parliamentary session Konservtativen had likewise attained without an absolute majority. Kreisky should be the only leading candidate of the Austrian history that has been able to actually unite the absolute majority of votes cast in his party. Don was not there as much, because he had obtained a relative majority ledigklich and he needed the acquiescence of the objectives it is seeking the votes of minority government of the FPÖ. These he received, as he promised the Blue electoral reform, the small parties - the Freedom Party was then should prefer proportional than the old electoral law - the only such. As part of the constitutional options, the OVP refused to consent to a two-thirds majority for a comprehensive change, the electoral reform was also carried out. It should Kreisky's first major, but not the last of his reform. A year later, he called out for early elections and was given the hoped-for absolute majority.
We did actually imagine an Austria without Kreisky, so let's try again. Before Kreisky As for his reforms:
- Austria had no Schülerfreifahrt ,
- textbooks had completely get paid,
- homosexual acts were judicially punishable ,
- also the marriage disorder (relationship with a married person),
- abortion was illegal,
- the military service lasted 12 months,
- civilian there was no one
- there was no involvement of the students at the University policy ,
- another school community committee ,
- the working week was not 40 but 42 hours
- there was no Karenzgeld ,
- no mountain farmers ,
- keinen Mutter-Kind-Pass ,
- an Gymnasien wurden Aufnahemprüfungen durchgeführt (die insbesondere sozial selektiv waren),
- an Universitäten gab es Studiengebühren ,
- die Frau war dem Mann als Haushaltsvorstand im Eherecht und im Bürgerlichen Recht untergeordnet ,
- eheliche Kinder waren unehelichen gegenüber rechtlich bevorzugt ,
- der Strafvollzug kannte unter anderem noch den sogenannten „ schweren Kerker “,
Bruno Kreisky reformierte aber nicht nur das Strafrecht, das Arbeitsverfassungsrecht, die Sozialgesetzgebung and science policy, he was also busy working on the international stage. In the major coalitions after the Second World War he had been represented since 1953 as Secretary, as Foreign Minister from 1959. He was negotiating the "Moscow Memorandum" competition, which culminated in the treaty. Even as Chancellor, he could not keep away from foreign policy. It was Yasser Arafat, who until then - not Unjustly - was decried as a terrorist, only internationally acceptable, brought the UN to play, the City of Vienna and the hosting of the East-West dialogue. 1960 Met negotiate with Kennedy and Khrushchev in Vienna to discuss disarmament. Kreisky brought the South Tyrol issue before the UN, which culminated in the Statute of Autonomy. He also tried to drive an independent Austrian Ostpolitik, which brought a busy travel and lecturing in the Eastern bloc countries with them.
For all its benefits, it would be irrelevant Kreisky only through rose-colored glasses to see. I am not speaking of stupid catch phrase of the Chancellor's debt, which is used in some quarters to lump around Kreisky. It is simply wrong objectively. Kreisky was debt, yes. And he also spoke to him a few hundred thousand unemployed longer, make more sleepless nights would be a few billion (Schilling wohlgemerkt) Schulden. Man mag auch sein Vertrauen auf die verstaatlichte Industrie im nachhinein als zu grenzenlos einschätzen, gern. Aber Kreisky war kein Schuldenkanzler. In den 13 Jahren seiner Zeit als Regierungschef wirtschaftete er von 1970 bis 1974 ausgeglichen oder mit Überschuss. Der „Kurier“ zitiert den Gouverneur der Österreichischen Nationalbank Ewald Nowotny wiefolgt:
„dass es nicht zuletzt dem persönlichen Engagement Kreiskys zuzuschreiben ist, dass in den 1970er Jahren eine eigenständige, theoretisch fundierte wirtschaftspolitische Position in Form des Austro-Keynesianismus propagiert wurde. Von den Erfolgen dieses Weges zehren wir noch heute. [...] Tatsächlich gelang also, the net deficit had increased from 1970 to 1976 of 1.9 to 4.6 percent of GDP by 1981 due again to 2.6 percent. So it has a good economic legacy that Kreisky leave. " courier
As Kreisky retired from office, the public debt ratio was about 40% of GDP, today it is over 70%. At the end of the Kreisky era, the national debt stood at 30.2 billion euros, today it stands at 198.8 billion (See
OeNB). The average increases in debt under the Kreisky governments amounted to 1.23% per year, which made his followers really fat debt, with the active participation of the FPÖ and ÖVP. In ihnen stieg die Verschuldung wesentlich stärker an (Gesamtverschuldungszuwachs: 3,32% pa SPÖ-FPÖ 1983-86, 1,36% pa SPÖ-ÖVP). Das Argument vom Schuldenkanzler zählt also nicht. Trotzdem war Kreisky kein Heiliger.
Den wohl schwärzesten Fleck auf seine Karriere warf die sogenannte Kreisky-Wiesenthal-Affäre. Der Nazijäger Simon Wiesenthal deckte - wohlgemerkt erst nach der Nationalratswahl 1975 - die Mitgliedschaft des FPÖ-Obmanns Friedrich Peter in einer SS-Einhgeit, die in Säuberungsaktionen - die sogenannte Partisanenbekämpfung - im rückwärtigen Heeresgebiet verstrickt war, auf. Kreisky verteidigte Peter, warf Wiesenthal „Mafiamethoden“ vor und bezichtigte ihn, er habe sein Life saved by imposing kolaboriert with the Gestapo. Kreisky was only shortly before his death one of Wiesenthal's lawsuit therefore condemned to 270,000 shillings fine. He died before the execution. Wiesenthal said to have commented on the process output like this:
. "Kreisky has lost, and pay rather than the fine, he died" FAZ
Why Kreisky with Wiesenthal Sun came over, is not easy at first determine. The obvious is that he grudge this lot. He had uncovered four ministers of his first government, as former National Socialists in the election campaign and is also 1970 - he criticized the concealed anti-Semitic Campaign the ÖVP not - have mobilized against Kreisky. Kreisky as chancellor shame Israel, and must therefore be prevented (See profile
). As Wiesenthal therefore committed against Peter, which is expected for the known as the camel's Boisterous Kreisky have taken to the overflow. That does not excuse his unproven allegations against Wiesenthal, nor that he called Exnazis in his cabinet, but it explains a lot.
His biggest political miscalculation was probably his commitment to, nor under the ÖVP party government planned nuclear power plant Zwentendorf. Supposedly Kreisky even expulsion from the party of his own son have accelerated because this commitment on the side of the opposition. The power plant was finally in the self-scheduled by the Federal referendum prevents short. Kreisky remained.
What he probably also added to most human, was dealing with his Vice-Chancellor and Finance Minister Hannes Androsch. He had this preference, as Vice Chancellor Hertha Firnberg. It is his decision even with the charming little phrase "I'm old myself." Have commented on. What interpersonal relationship finally brought to the breaking, is still to clarify ambiguous. It is likely that Kreisky did not understand why he did not want Androsch succeed at any cost and with the private sector flirted. He, himself a consummate politician, could not get over that his foster son and successor elect not equally felt. Kreisky had turned up with his reforms, the Austrian social system, he wanted to put this project is no longer ultimately Androsch hands.
evert The Gesellschafssystem, that was the real, the greatest merit Kreisky. That's probably what Heller said, speaking in the ORF of the unbelief of the previous circumstances. All the laws were changed to Kreisky, previously expressed an extremely limited and this limitation almost totalitarian social consensus that neither education tolerated for lower layers, nor the emancipation of women, and certainly no gay or abortion. Kreisky has it broken for us.
Dieter Zehentmayr in 2005, too soon deceased cartoonist inked in Kreisky's resignation in 1983 - when he lost the absolute majority he had obtained three times previously - a drawing that one of my favorite cartoons. Zehentmayr had spared no Kreisky in the years before, but Kreisky, who stands in front of the eagle and how this in front of him, bow presses, but from the respect that it also pays homage to this great Austrian today. Dr. Bruno Kreisky
would be on 22 January this year 100 years old.
"The Chancellor of the Republic does not pass through the back door." Bruno Kreisky
